As Iraq War showed, consensus in foreign policy can be dangerous



With the twentieth anniversary of the launch of the Iraq Warfare, I’m reminded of the outstanding consensus behind that call, which handed with robust bipartisan assist. Consultants, journalists and well-known media personalities joined the bandwagon too.

Usually, consensus is nice. It clears away opposition and helps make issues occur. However too typically, fast settlement on onerous issues is an indication of harmful groupthink as an alternative.

This extensive assist has not aged effectively. It launched a bloody battle, at a price of $2 trillion and an estimated 300,000 lives. It led to a violent insurgency and the creation of the Islamic State militant group. Generations of Iraqis will proceed to endure the results.

And so will America. Though the fabric struggling in Iraq dwarfs our personal, I’m unsure America will ever escape the lengthy tail of mistrust that has understandably adopted us since then.

The unique sin was the choice to go to battle on a dishonest pretext. That basis gave rise to our use of torture, rendition, indefinite detention with out due course of, militarized policing again residence and a severely undermined worldwide fame.

It’s tempting to put blame on people — President George W. Bush for main the cost, or Vice President Dick Cheney or Protection Secretary Donald Rumsfeld for speaking a maybe unwitting president into motion.

However this failure had a slew of enablers on each side of the aisle and throughout the nationwide safety trade: folks pushed by worry, each private and political, and easy, old style revenge. Emotion, not motive, drove this consensus, with patriotism taking part in a robust half too.

Individuals naturally discover consolation in consensus — it spreads out each credit score and blame. However the hazard of consensus is that it forecloses different, typically higher, concepts and the controversy {that a} lack of consensus calls for.

I write this right now not merely to lament errors of the previous however in hopes it makes us extra cautious and self-aware sooner or later.

First, we should acknowledge the price of our dishonesty in Iraq to our fame inside the world. Belief that’s damaged is tough to construct again, and in our hubris, we haven’t invested a lot in attempting to take action.

Second, we should be cautious in our method to China, as it’s a nation we have to work with to face shared challenges like local weather change and future pandemics. The rising bipartisan consensus on China, nonetheless, is driving us towards an aggressive stance that would put wanted cooperation out of attain. The truth is that China is deeply economically built-in with the US and our allies, and its financial and diplomatic engagement world wide interprets into important world sway.

This doesn’t imply that we flip a blind eye to China’s unhealthy acts. America should be cautious about counting on China for nationwide security-sensitive merchandise and push again on China’s maritime claims that threaten freedom of navigation within the main delivery lanes of the South China Sea. We also needs to proceed to talk up in protection of democracy and human rights. However we should depart room for cooperation although, too. Requires normalizing relations with Taiwan or brazenly committing to its protection are the varieties of choices that would render cooperation unattainable.

The most effective reply for our engagement with China might be an advanced one unlikely to emerge from a consensus view. Identical to in 2003, our political leaders would possibly really feel good haranguing a foul man and assuring their constituents that they’re able to be powerful, however a hard-line consensus towards China might march us into battle once more.

The results of that unhealthy choice could be more durable to disregard.

Elizabeth Shackelford is a senior fellow on U.S. international coverage with the Chicago Council on World Affairs. ©2023 Chicago Tribune. Distributed by Tribune Content material Company.