Op-Ed: U.S. didn’t have to drop atomic bombs on Japan to win war


At a time when Individuals are reassessing so many painful facets of our nation’s previous, it’s an opportune second to have an trustworthy nationwide dialog about our use of nuclear weapons on Japanese cities in August 1945. The fateful determination to inaugurate the nuclear age essentially modified the course of recent historical past, and it continues to threaten our survival. Because the Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists’ Doomsday Clock warns us, the world is now nearer to nuclear annihilation than at any time since 1947.

The accepted knowledge in the US for the final 75 years has been that dropping the bombs on Hiroshima on Aug. 6, 1945, and on Nagasaki three days later was the one method to finish the World Conflict II with out an invasion that might have value a whole lot of 1000’s of American and maybe thousands and thousands of Japanese lives. Not solely did the bombs finish the conflict, the logic goes, they did so in essentially the most humane means doable.

Nonetheless, the overwhelming historic proof from American and Japanese archives signifies that Japan would have surrendered that August, even when atomic bombs had not been used — and paperwork show that President Truman and his closest advisors knew it.

The allied demand for unconditional give up led the Japanese to worry that the emperor, who many thought-about a deity, could be tried as a conflict prison and executed. A examine by Gen. Douglas MacArthur’s Southwest Pacific Command in contrast the emperor’s execution to “the crucifixion of Christ to us.”

“Unconditional Give up is the one impediment to peace,” Overseas Minister Shigenori Togo wired Ambassador Naotake Sato, who was in Moscow on July 12, 1945, making an attempt to enlist the Soviet Union to mediate acceptable give up phrases on Japan’s behalf.

However the Soviet Union’s entry into the conflict on Aug. 8 modified all the pieces for Japan’s leaders, who privately acknowledged the necessity to give up promptly.

Allied intelligence had been reporting for months that Soviet entry would power the Japanese to capitulate. As early as April 11, 1945, the Joint Chiefs of Workers’s Joint Intelligence Workers had predicted: “If at any time the united states ought to enter the conflict, all Japanese will notice that absolute defeat is inevitable.”

Truman knew that the Japanese had been trying to find a method to finish the conflict; he had referred to Togo’s intercepted July 12 cable because the “telegram from the Jap emperor asking for peace.”

Truman additionally knew that the Soviet invasion would knock Japan out of the conflict. On the summit in Potsdam, Germany, on July 17, following Stalin’s assurance that the Soviets had been coming in on schedule, Truman wrote in his diary, “He’ll be within the Jap Conflict on August 15. Fini Japs when that comes about.” The following day, he assured his spouse, “We’ll finish the conflict a 12 months sooner now, and consider the youngsters who received’t be killed!”

The Soviets invaded Japanese-held Manchuria at midnight on Aug. 8 and rapidly destroyed the vaunted Kwantung Military. As predicted, the assault traumatized Japan’s leaders. They might not combat a two-front conflict, and the specter of a communist takeover of Japanese territory was their worst nightmare.

Prime Minister Kantaro Suzuki defined on Aug. 13 that Japan needed to give up rapidly as a result of “the Soviet Union will take not solely Manchuria, Korea, Karafuto, but additionally Hokkaido. This could destroy the inspiration of Japan. We should finish the conflict once we can take care of the US.”

Whereas a majority of Individuals might not be accustomed to this historical past, the Nationwide Museum of the U.S. Navy in Washington, D.C., states unambiguously on a plaque with its atomic bomb exhibit: “The huge destruction wreaked by the bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki and the lack of 135,000 folks made little impression on the Japanese navy. Nonetheless, the Soviet invasion of Manchuria … modified their minds.” However on-line the wording has been modified to place the atomic bombings in a extra optimistic mild — as soon as once more exhibiting how myths can overwhelm historic proof.

Seven of the US’ eight five-star Military and Navy officers in 1945 agreed with the Navy’s vitriolic evaluation. Generals Dwight Eisenhower, Douglas MacArthur and Henry “Hap” Arnold and Admirals William Leahy, Chester Nimitz, Ernest King, and William Halsey are on document stating that the atomic bombs had been both militarily pointless, morally reprehensible, or each.

Nobody was extra impassioned in his condemnation than Leahy, Truman’s chief of employees. He wrote in his memoir “that the usage of this barbarous weapon at Hiroshima and Nagasaki was of no materials help in our conflict towards Japan. The Japanese had been already defeated and able to give up …. In being the primary to make use of it we had adopted an moral normal widespread to the barbarians of the Darkish Ages.”

MacArthur thought the usage of atomic bombs was inexcusable. He later wrote to former President Hoover that if Truman had adopted Hoover’s “sensible and statesmanlike” recommendation to switch its give up phrases and inform the Japanese they might preserve their emperor, “the Japanese would have accepted it and gladly I’ve little question.”

Earlier than the bombings, Eisenhower had urged at Potsdam, “the Japanese had been able to give up and it wasn’t essential to hit them with that terrible factor.”

The proof exhibits he was proper, and the advancing Doomsday Clock is a reminder that the violent inauguration of the nuclear age has but to be confined to the previous.

Gar Alperovitz, creator of “The Determination to Use the Atomic Bomb,” is a principal of the Democracy Collaborative and a former fellow of King’s School, Cambridge. Martin J. Sherwin is a professor of historical past at George Mason College and creator of the forthcoming “Playing With Armageddon: Nuclear Roulette From Hiroshima to the Cuban Missile Disaster.” Historians Kai Hen and Peter Kuznick contributed to this text.